Featured here are articles that our writers from WIIS McGill’s Publications Portfolio have written on a wide array of issues pertaining to International Security.
A Renewable Future or Just a New Era of Resource Exploitation? How the Green Gold Rush is Reshaping Geopolitics, Supply Chains, and Global Power Dynamics
Written by: Adrienne Calzada
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
March 27th, 2025

Photo Credit: David de la Iglesia Villar
With human activity permanently altering the Earth’s climate, further pushing the planet toward an environmental crisis characterized by rising temperatures, extreme weather, and ecosystem collapse, it is indisputable that a fundamental shift in our energy and consumption patterns is required. Decades of reliance on fossil fuels have created a dangerous cycle of carbon lock-in, where investments in high-carbon infrastructure and technologies create a self-reinforcing cycle, making it increasingly difficult and costly to transition to low-carbon alternatives, thereby hindering climate action. According to IRENA’s 1.5°C scenario, however, electricity is projected to become the primary energy carrier in the future, with its share more than doubling from 22% today to 51% by 2050. Furthermore, biomass and hydrogen are expected to constitute more significant portions of the total energy consumption than fossil fuels. The shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy thus fosters the development of electrified, decentralized, and digitalized energy systems. These renewable-based systems, including green hydrogen and sustainable biomass, are inherently more efficient and support higher rates of electrification, enhancing overall energy sustainability.
This impending energy shift is fuelling a new resource scramble—not for oil, but for the critical minerals that power clean energy technologies. The transition from fossil fuels to renewables is driving global demand for lithium, cobalt, and rare earth elements, essential for batteries, EVs, and solar panels. The race to decarbonize the global economy is thus introducing a Green Gold Rush, where countries compete to secure access to these scarce resources, reshaping global trade patterns and geopolitical alliances. Unlike fossil fuels (which are more geographically widespread), critical minerals are concentrated in only a handful of countries, making supply chains vulnerable to political instability, resource nationalism, and market volatility. This reliance on a few key suppliers raises concerns about supply security, ethical mining practices, and environmental sustainability.
As nations race to control these essential materials, new power dynamics are emerging that could redefine global trade, strategic alliances, and economic dependencies. This shift also exposes the unequal distribution of costs and benefits in the clean energy transition, as resource-rich developing nations often bear the environmental and social consequences of extraction while wealthier nations reap the benefits of decarbonization. The question remains: Will this new energy order be more equitable than the fossil fuel era, or will it replicate the same patterns of exploitation and conflict?
First, What Will a Green Energy Transition Look Like?
The Green Gold Rush is occurring amid severe geopolitical tensions brought forth by the pandemic’s economic consequences, rising protectionism, and escalations of current global conflicts (i.e. Sudan, Ukraine, Gaza). Such disruptions have profoundly affected trade relationships, economic alliances, and supply chains, particularly in clean energy and mineral sectors. As countries compete for power, they increasingly vie for control over strategic resources. These tensions are further exacerbated by rising technology prices and supply vulnerabilities, which intensify concerns over foreign dependency and trade security. The attacks on the Nord Stream pipeline and disruptions in Red Sea oil and liquefied natural gas shipments, for example, illustrate the profound interconnectedness of energy security and military conflicts.
Although residual dependencies on fossil and nuclear fuels will remain, new dependencies will simultaneously emerge around increased trade in electricity, hydrogen, critical materials, and clean technologies. These new dependencies are remarkably different from conventional and precedented fossil fuels dependencies, however. The current geopolitical environment raises concerns regarding foreign dependency and alters partnerships and alliances. Moreover, these new dependencies will comprise highly concentrated supply chains, posing serious risks as they create economic instability, geopolitical conflicts, and environmental and ethical concerns. As demand for critical minerals skyrockets, addressing these vulnerabilities will be essential for a secure and just energy transition. For example, the European Union’s accelerated pivot away from Russian natural gas following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine led to urgent investment in alternative energy sources and infrastructure. This sudden shift revealed how existing energy ties can be disrupted by conflict, prompting countries to reassess their energy security strategies and scramble for access to new technologies and materials.
The Lithium Triangle and the Democratic Republic of Congo: Geopolitical Leverage, Supply Chain Vulnerabilities, and Resource Nationalism
Lithium and cobalt are essential to the energy transition as the world shifts away from fossil fuels, reshaping economic relationships and dependencies. Unlike oil, which is found in multiple regions, these critical minerals are heavily concentrated in a few countries, giving them new leverage over global energy markets. The Lithium Triangle (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile) holds over 50% of the world’s lithium reserves, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) supplies 70% of the world’s cobalt, essential for EV batteries, solar panels and wind turbines. Consequently, these mineral-rich nations may gain greater geopolitical leverage, influencing global energy markets as demand for critical materials surges. Meanwhile, oil-rich nations—particularly those with established economic and political power like Canada and Saudi Arabia—are unlikely to see their influence disappear but will need to redefine their strategies to maintain their geopolitical relevance in an energy landscape increasingly shaped by renewables and resource diversification.
Resource dependency on a few key suppliers raises supply chain vulnerabilities, ethical concerns, and environmental risks. Lithium extraction is water-intensive and strains arid regions like Chile’s Atacama Desert, exacerbating pre-existing tensions with Indigenous communities over land degradation. Additionally, cobalt mining in the DRC has been linked to child labour, corruption, and hazardous conditions, intensifying calls for ethical sourcing and supply chain transparency. A transition to greener energy sources, therefore, risks the legitimization of, encouragement and complicity in unethical resource extraction, calling for a reevaluation of what this transition indeed implies and a reassessment of how sustainability is defined- equally in terms of reducing carbon emissions and in ensuring ethical, equitable, and environmentally responsible resource extraction practices.
Furthermore, China dominates global processing, refining 60-80% of lithium, cobalt, and other rare earth elements, similar to OPEC’s past control over oil. This consequence prompts nations to reevaluate their supply chains, with policies like friend-shoring, domestic resource investments, and trade alliances to reduce reliance on China’s refining control.
The rise of resource nationalism poses an additional threat. Governments in Chile, Bolivia, Indonesia, and the DRC are imposing stricter regulations, nationalizing mining industries, and initiating contracts to capture more economic benefits from their resources. While these efforts increase local economic control, they also create investor policy uncertainty, leading to potential market volatility and trade tensions. Furthermore, disruptions caused by natural disasters, political instability or trade disputes in those countries can result in shortages or price fluctuations, affecting global energy markets. As the competition for critical minerals intensifies, balancing national resource sovereignty with global energy security will be crucial in determining whether the Green Gold Rush fosters greater economic independence for resource-rich nations or exacerbates instability and supply chain vulnerabilities in the renewable energy era.
Is the Green Transition Just Another Exploitation Cycle?: Colonial Déjà Vu in Energy Politics
The clean energy transition is promoted as a solution to the climate crisis; however, it also exacerbates global inequalities, disproportionately benefiting wealthier nations while placing the burden on resource-rich but economically vulnerable countries. This dynamic, often described as green colonialism, mirrors historical patterns of exploitation, where raw materials are extracted from the Global South to fuel development in the Global North.
The Global North’s control over supply chains and trade policies has reinforced economic dependency, preventing resource-rich nations from fully benefiting from their own natural wealth. Additionally, the Green Gold Rush raises critical questions of energy equity—how can wealthy nations justify blocking fossil fuel investments in developing countries while continuing their own fossil fuel production? By limiting economic growth opportunities in the Global South, the Global North risks ensuring that the clean energy transition replicates the same structural inequalities and dependencies that defined the fossil fuel era.
Despite its promise, the clean energy sector is not inherently sustainable. Lithium mining depletes water tables, exacerbating droughts in already arid regions, while nickel and cobalt extraction contributes to deforestation, biodiversity loss, and toxic pollution. Additionally, large-scale mineral extraction efforts often disregard Indigenous land rights and fuel social unrest, as local communities bear the environmental and health costs without receiving the economic benefits.
This extractive logic is not limited to mineral resources. Corn-based ethanol offers a parallel example of how green energy policies can unintentionally undermine sustainability and equity. Following the implementation of NAFTA in 1994, the U.S. increased exports of heavily subsidized corn to Mexico. This influx depressed local prices and displaced small-scale Mexican farmers who could not compete with U.S. agribusiness. Corn prices surged globally as demand for ethanol grew in the early 2000s, driven by U.S. biofuel mandates and subsidies. In Mexico, this created food insecurity and social unrest as corn- central to the country’s diet and culture- became less affordable for millions. Meanwhile, ethanol’s climate benefits are increasingly contested as studies increasingly confirm that corn ethanol can generate nearly twice the greenhouse gas emissions of gasoline over a 30-year span when accounting for land-use change, fertilizer use, and processing emissions. The ethanol case illustrates how so-called green solutions can reproduce both environmental harm and economic displacement despite their intended goals of promoting sustainability
The Green Gold Rush may, therefore, provoke a feeling of colonial déjà-vu, where the pursuit of progress and industrial advancement comes at the expense of marginalized communities and fragile ecosystems, raising the question of whether the green energy revolution is truly different or simply repeating the same extractive logic in a new guise.
Decarbonization Cannot Repeat the Exploitation of the Past: True Sustainability Requires Equity and Bottom-Up Solutions
The Green Gold Rush is reshaping global trade, geopolitics, and economic power, shifting dependencies from fossil fuels to critical minerals. While the transition to renewable energy is essential for mitigating climate change, it also introduces new risks in supply chain security, environmental degradation, and global inequality. As mineral-rich nations gain strategic leverage, supply chain bottlenecks, trade disputes, and political instability could disrupt access to these essential resources, putting global energy security at risk.
Additionally, the current renewable energy model risks replicating the same exploitative structures of the fossil fuel era, in which economic growth in wealthier nations is prioritized while environmental and social costs are externalized onto developing regions. A clean energy revolution can only be successful if ethical supply chains, fair trade agreements, and investments in sustainable extraction practices are implemented, further complicating an already complex decarbonization effort. These efforts are imperative, however, as the clean energy revolution cannot come at the expense of the very people and ecosystems it seeks to protect.
The current uncertain geopolitical climate, coupled with the unprecedented nature of this transition, begs the question: Can we break from the extractive cycles of the past, or will the Green Gold Rush become the next frontier of resource exploitation? Is the clean energy transition indeed a pathway to sustainability or a new iteration of economic and environmental injustice?
The Rohingya: A Struggle for Survival and Recognition
Written by: Alice Tremblay
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
March 27th, 2025

Rohingya refugees crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. Photo Credit: Mohammad Ponir Hossain/Reuters
Myanmar’s decades of military rule and ethnic tensions have fueled severe human rights violations against the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority in the country’s Rakhine State. The Rohingya have been subjected to systemic persecution, with little protection or recourse.
Myanmar’s 1982 citizenship law in particular denies them legal recognition, essentially leaving them stateless. This legal exclusion has paved the way for widespread discrimination, including restrictions on movement, education, and employment. Tensions escalated dramatically in August 2017 when Myanmar’s military launched a brutal crackdown described by the United Nations as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.” This operation in the Rakhine State led to mass killings, sexual violence, and the destruction of villages, forcing over 700,000 Rohingya to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.
The influx of refugees resulted in the establishment of overcrowded camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar district; notably the Kutupalong camp, which is now the world’s largest refugee settlement. The camp’s high density and limited resources pose considerable challenges to sanitation and healthcare. For basic necessities, refugees rely heavily, if not entirely, on humanitarian aid.
Within the camps, security has deteriorated due to the emergence of armed groups, such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Initially formed to resist Myanmar’s military, ARSA has been implicated in criminal activities within the camps, including abductions and killings of fellow refugees. Recent reports even indicate that ARSA’s leader, Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi, was arrested by Bangladeshi authorities on charges related to illegal entry and terrorism.
While the international community has condemned the atrocities committed against the Rohingya, aid agencies have been facing challenges like funding shortages and restricted access to affected populations. The potential reduction in foreign aid, particularly from major donors, such as the United States, threatens to worsen the already dire conditions in the camps. Without sustained support, the prospects for improving the living conditions of the Rohingya will remain low.
Addressing the Rohingya crisis requires a coordinated international response. Legal accountability through bodies like the International Criminal Court is essential to deter future abuses. Expanding humanitarian aid is crucial to meet the immediate needs of refugees, including food, healthcare, and education. It is also vital to empower local communities to participate in the relief process to ensure that aid is both sustainable and culturally appropriate. Long-term solutions should focus on safe and voluntary repatriation when conditions allow, or alternative pathways like local integration. Ultimately, ensuring the protection and rights of the Rohingya will require both a commitment to justice and a concerted effort to address the root causes of their displacement. Regional cooperation through ASEAN and sustained global engagement are critical to promoting security, protecting human rights, and supporting lasting peace in Myanmar.
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Trump, Greenland, and the Return of Imperial Dreams; Are 19th-Century Expansionist Tactics making a 21st Century Come Back?
Written by: Maya McKay
Edited by: Iona Riga
March 20th, 2025

Illustration: Kyle Ellingson in “In a New Age of Empire, Great Powers Aim to Carve Up the Planet” by Yaroslav Trofimov
Skinny jeans, wired headphones, and digital cameras are all making a comeback – and if you ask the world’s most powerful leaders, so is imperialism.
Post-WWII, nations took to San Francisco to sign the UN Charter, in which they pledged to abide by international law and respect state sovereignty, regardless of a country’s size or strength. Despite this, in a new age of empire, today, great powers are imposing their will on smaller states, carving up the planet; slice by slice. Russia’s war of conquest in Ukraine rages into its third year. China escalates its military provocations against Taiwan. And now, Trump revives his audacious threat to claim Greenland.
Home to about 57,000 Inuit people, Greenland is controlled by Denmark, a NATO member. Its strategic location has long made it valuable to the U.S., which established military bases there after World War II. As Arctic tensions rise, Greenland’s proximity to potential Russian missile routes makes it a key player in defense agreements, fueling U.S. interest in the island. Additionally, climate change is creating new economic and military opportunities ripe for Trump’s taking. The melting of major ice sheets is opening new shipping routes, increasing maritimes traffic and allowing access to previously untapped natural resources. Among these resources – lithium – a critical component in electric vehicle batteries – has become particularly significant. The irony is that lithium is essential to Tesla’s production, a billion dollar company led by Elon Musk, Trump’s latest bro-mance. Plus, with China currently dominating the global lithium supply, the U.S. has a strategic interest in securing alternative sources.
With these motives in mind, Trump stated that “I’m not going to commit to [ruling out military action]. It might be that you’ll have to do something. We need Greenland for national security purposes.” And to all of this, Danish politician Anders Vistisen says ‘It is not for sale. Let me put it into words you might understand, Mr.Trump: fu*k off.’
While the prospect of the U.S. annexing Greenland remains unlikely, such threats should not be dismissed. This rhetoric reflects a broader resurgence of 19th-century-style power politics, where territorial ambitions and strategic interests override normative considerations like sovereignty and self-determination. Greenland is merely one example of powerful actors disregarding the legitimacy of nations, operating under the assumption that their ambition alone justifies action. If the post-war order was built on the promise that might would no longer make right, then the return of imperial ambitions – from Greenland, to Canada, to the Panama Canal, to most recently, the Gaza strip – suggest that that promise is unraveling. The question now is whether the world will hold the line, or if great powers will continue carving up the globe, one bold claim at a time.
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The Unseen War
Gender-Based Violence in Refugee Camps: Beyond a Humanitarian Crisis, a Global Security Threat
Written by: Jeanne Belva
Edited by: Lynn Hoffmeister
March 20th, 2025

Rohingya girls pump water in Balukhali refugee camp, Bangladesh. Many of the gender equality targets are directly linked to sanitation. ©UN Women/Allison Joyce
By the end of 2024, an estimated 123 million people worldwide had been forcibly displaced due to persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations, and widespread instability. This is not just about migration—it is a global unraveling, a violent reconfiguration of international order fueled by the failures of states, institutions, and collective human empathy. Refugees are not merely seeking shelter; their movement exposes the fragility of states, the inadequacy of global governance, and the false assumptions that borders are barriers against chaos. Far from a temporary exodus, it is a seismic shift in the global security landscape.
Policies addressing forced migration often focus on its root causes—wars, persecution, or natural disasters—while failing to address the dangers that arise within the very places meant to provide refuge. Refugee camps and emergency shelters are not neutral havens. In many cases, they are incubators of new crises, where systemic neglect turns displaced individuals into targets of violence, exploitation and human right abuses. Among the most overlooked yet underreported threat is gender-based violence (GBV). Women and girls in refugee settlements face an unrelenting assault on their dignity and safety, trapped in spaces that were never designed to protect them. The conditions in these settlements – overcrowding, lack of privacy, unsafe sanitation facilities, and inadequate security – create a reality where GBV is not just a possible risk but an expectation.
Indeed, women in shelters face severe risks due to inadequate privacy, lack of gender-segregated sanitation, and systemic disempowerment. For instance, in cases of climate-induced displacement, studies show that 71% of Bangladeshi women experienced increased violence (here specifically during flood-related migrations). Reports highlight high rates of sexual violence in emergency shelters, particularly during sleep, bathing, and dressing. The lack of doors, locks, or proper lighting in many shelters forces women to suppress their basic needs until nightfall, when the risk of assault becomes even greater. For Muslim women, privacy is even more critical due to religious and cultural norms, yet survivors often remain silent due to stigma and fear of ostracization.
However, this failure to provide safe and dignified refuge is not just a humanitarian shortcoming; it is a global security threat. When the states and its institutions ignore the suffering of displaced people, we do not just fail them—we fail ourselves. We allow instability to fester, violence to spread, and resentment to grow.
The consequences of this neglect are not confined to the refugee camps. In Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh, the lack of privacy and security for women significantly increases their vulnerability to human trafficking networks. These networks exploit climate-displaced women, coercing them into forced labor, prostitution and criminal activities. The International Organization for Migration has identified young girls being sold into forced labor as the largest group of trafficking victims in these camps. Additionally, Human Rights Watch has documented cases of violence against Rohingya refugees, including murder, kidnapping, torture, rape, sexual assault, and forced marriage, highlighting the severe security challenges within the camps. In Nigeria, the extremist group Boko Haram infiltrates refugee settlements, employing sexual violence as a weapon to destabilize communities and recruit fighters. Amnesty International reports that Boko Haram fighters have subjected women and girls to rape and other forms of sexual violence during attacks in Borno State, actions that constitute war crimes.
The world has witnessed this before. The mass displacement from Syria fueled the rise of extremist groups, overwhelmed European asylum systems, and reshaped political landscapes across the West. The refugee crisis of today is the geopolitical crisis of tomorrow. Failing to secure and support displaced populations doesn’t just mean human suffering but allows breeding insecurity that will ricochet across continents.
Ensuring gender-segregated facilities, secure shelter, and protection for vulnerable populations is not charity—it is security policy. Ignoring these needs is a choice, and that choice has far reaching aftereffects: radicalization, human trafficking, geopolitical instability, and cycles of violence that will inevitably spill beyond borders.
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Women in the Crossfire: The Gendered Toll of Sudan’s Humanitarian Crisis
Written by: Dena Ojaghi
Edited by: Gabrielle Adams
March 13th, 2025

Cover Photo: Sarah Dink carries her child while going to a camp in Gezira state, on Dec. 10, 2023. She says, “I’m worried about my children’s future. I am thinking of returning to Abyei so that I can provide education for my children.” Faiz Abubakr
Waging famine in Sudan has left women and children vulnerable to both severe health crises and a brutal political conflict. As Sudan’s political climate darkens, women and girls are disproportionately affected, facing higher levels of famine, violence, and death than their male counterparts. The country is experiencing it’s worst humanitarian crisis as the civil war, which began in April 2023, continues to escalate. The ongoing power struggle between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a rebel paramilitary group, is intensifying, while a massive hunger crisis reaches unprecedented levels. International relief efforts are dwindling due to delivery sanctions. Doctors Without Borders has warned that Sudan’s medical system is on the brink of collapse, exacerbated by the near-total flight of volunteer forces and escalating brutality on the ground. With the RSF controlling most aid distribution, activists and volunteers are losing hope as the group continues to block humanitarian assistance and hinder political progress. Sudan’s pro-democracy movement, initially driven by mass protests, had sparked a decentralized transition toward an elected civilian government. However, this process was deliberately obstructed when General Abdel-Fattah Burhan and RSF leaders staged a military coup in October 2022, triggering the ongoing conflict. The vast scale of the conflict is difficult to conceptualize as, despite being deemed the world’s greatest humanitarian emergency and devastating virtually every facet of Sudanese society, only 60 percent of international funding appeals are being met by the international community.
Sexual violence has now become a weapon in the context of this civil war and puts Sudanese women at an all-time vulnerable position. Framed as a “total war” on the bodies of women and girls by the United Nations Population Fund, gender-based implications of the conflict are obvious. Wielded as a weapon to terrorize communities and exert control, reports of sexual abuse have skyrocketed with the Fund having had to reach more than 112,000 women with sexual and reproductive health services in the past year alone. Sudanese activists have put out a call for more medication, medical supplies, dignity kits and post-exposure prophylaxis kits to prevent HIV transmission and to support the clinical management of rape, where timely and accessible healthcare in the face of conflict has been scarce.
Sexual abuse isn’t the only form of violence highlighting gender-based discrimination and dynamics in Sudan. In ten Sudan states, 64 percent of female-headed households are experiencing food insecurity compared to 48 percent of male-headed households: women and girls are eating least and last. Women on the brink of starvation are having to resort to drastic actions such as engaging in survival sex or forced marriage; endangering their livelihoods becomes the only source of hope for survival.
Although Sudanese women are disproportionately affected by the humanitarian crisis, their stories extend beyond these challenges, continuing as a testament to resilience and determination. Women in Sudan have risen as agents of change to neutralize and combat human rights violations. The pivotal pro-democracy movements triggered to drive President Omar al- Bashir out of office were spearheaded by female activists, like 22-year-old protester, Alaa Salah and Wifaq Quraishi, leading to the successful ousting of President Bashir who is still at large as he faces five counts of crimes against humanity.
Female activists continue to drive advocacy for a more inclusive and equitable society by mobilizing women to unite against military abuse and violence. Naama’s story is that of a Sudanese woman mobilizing her community amidst the crisis in Khartoum; Naama joined forces with other local community members to establish an organization focused on combating gender-based violence. Despite dealing with personal tragedies, Naama facilitates the collaboration of Sudanese women to provide assistance for endangered girls in the capital. Becoming an essential silent hero and an inherent part of the fire-line response in Sudan all the while providing crucial support networks for women and girls facing sexual violence and forced marriage, Naama exudes what it means to be resilient.
With over 25 million people in need of humanitarian aid, the latest United Nations Humanitarian Affairs response plan outlines that vital aid has only reached 11.7 million Sudanese civilians out of a population of more than 51 million. International assistance is nowhere near the threshold required to provide lifesaving resources to Sudanese people as the crisis reaches a crux. The United Nations continues to prioritize civilian protection in its aid efforts, yet the pressing need for conflict de-escalation and unrestricted humanitarian access across borders and conflict lines highlights the immense scope of support Sudan requires. Funding and specialized aid targeted towards women and girls in Sudan are put forth by the United Nation’s emphasis on the centrality of gendered protection, aiming to reduce further harm and destruction while simultaneously aiming to rebuild and restore the livelihoods of women and girls.
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Redefining Sovereignty: the Climate Crisis in Small Island Developing States
Written by: Annabelle Zehner
Edited by: Lynn Hoffmeister
March 13th, 2025

Simon Kofe addresses COP26 from the water. Photograph: Tuvalu Foreign Ministry/Reuters
On November 9th, 2021, a video of Tuvaluan foreign minister Simon Kofe was shown at COP26, the United Nations Climate Change Conference held in Glasgow that year. In the footage, Kofe stood knee-deep in seawater, on what was once completely dry land, visually appealing to the international community that the threat of climate change is no longer distant or theoretical. Tuvalu, a Small Island Developing State (SIDS), comprises nine islands, which have a total combined land area of less than 26 km2, with the highest point above sea level at a mere 4.6m. Tuvalu’s geography and low economic development place it on the frontlines of the climate crisis, making it particularly vulnerable to rising sea levels and extreme weather events resulting from climate change, despite producing some of the lowest levels of greenhouse gas emissions in the world.
According to Westphalian tradition, enshrined under international law, sovereignty is defined as complete control within a clearly defined territory. However, as Tuvalu’s landmass is diminishing due to forces beyond its control, its existence as a sovereign state is called into question. How can Tuvalu retain its sovereignty when faced with such an existential and border-defying threat as the climate crisis? Can a state be sovereign without physical territory?
Given the border-defying nature of the climate crisis – wherein nearly every state contributes, and nearly every state will inevitably face its consequences – effective climate action can not and will not be achieved without global cooperation. And yet, the response of the international community has been hugely underwhelming considering the immediacy of the threat. Tuvalu’s population is set to become the world’s first climate refugees, a category not currently recognised or protected under the Refugee Convention. On November 10th, 2023, Australia and Tuvalu signed a treaty offering a pathway to permanent residency for up to 280 displaced Tuvaluans per year. However, former Prime Minister Enele Sopoaga has stated that this approach is “self-defeatist”, allowing the land, a site of rich cultural history, to succumb to the impacts of climate change, rather than attempting to prevent and control them. Further, Australia has been accused of striking this deal in the interest of its power competition with China in the Pacific, and not out of genuine concern for the climate.
On November 15th, 2022, Simon Kofe returned to the international stage on video at COP27 – held in Sharm el-Sheikh that year – announcing Tuvalu’s Future Now Project. In the video, Kofe stood on land that was revealed to be digitally generated, declaring that in the face of global inaction, and rapidly rising sea levels, Tuvalu had “no choice but to become the world’s first digital nation”. Tuvalu has created a digital clone of itself in the metaverse in an attempt to archive the nation’s rich history and culture, and eventually move all government functions online. The Future Now Project is a substitute for the physical, allowing the state to function and national identity to persist in the absence of land.
In line with the development of its digital clone, Tuvalu has changed its legal definition of statehood. The constitution states that “the State of Tuvalu within its historical, cultural, and legal framework shall remain in perpetuity”, meaning that its existence is not contingent on physical land. Under international law, however, this is not the case; a state must have clearly defined borders and a permanent population to be considered sovereign. Tuvalu is engaged in ongoing efforts to have its new definition of sovereignty recognised so that it may retain control over its maritime zones, international voting rights, and its voice on the world stage, even if its territory becomes fully submerged.
By presenting a new model of statehood, the case of Tuvalu draws attention to evolving conceptions of sovereignty in the face of border-defying global political challenges such as the climate crisis. However, the future of its statehood ultimately depends on whether the international community chooses to act.
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The Hidden Cost of Palm Oil
Written by: Alice Tremblay
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
March 7th, 2025
Photo of oil palm trees at a plantation in West Papua, Indonesia. Credits: Dr. Sophie Chao
Palm oil is found in almost everything, making up about 50% of packaged products in supermarkets, from pizza and doughnuts to deodorant and shampoo. While this crop is native to West Africa, 85% of its global supply today comes from Indonesia and Malaysia. Its arrival in Southeast Asia was slow and uneventful; initially brought as an ornamental tree crop in the late 1800s, it was never anticipated to be such a lucrative commodity. Overtime, however, it has brought harm to the people who call these lands home. Namely, the Indigenous Marind people of West Papua in Indonesia have seen, in a matter of two decades, a dramatic shift in their way of life. While oil palm projects were framed as essential to national interests, regional growth, and the “development” of West Papuans, the reality for the Marind people has been one of displacement, marginalization, and environmental destruction.
There has been widespread biodiversity loss, deforestation, and severe water pollution in the region since the introduction of industrial oil palm production, and these issues only worsen with its continuing harvest. As sago groves are destroyed and river ecosystems deteriorate, the Marinds’ food sources are directly threatened, forcing them to rely on imported goods and no longer their land. Employment opportunities that were also promised to the Marind remain scarce, as companies prefer to bring in their own migrants to work. Moreover, these plantations have private security forces and state-sanctioned military personnel that protect plantations, and serves to silence Indigenous resistance through intimidation, surveillance, and arrests. Indigenous activists fighting for land rights are thus often criminalized, for corporations and the Indonesian state collaborate together to continue exploiting and profiting off of this land. Such exploitation only further reduces the Marind’s ability to assert control over their own territories.
This shift has not only undermined their autonomy but also altered their perception of the land. The forest, once seen as a site of kinship between the human and the non-human, is now believed to be dominated by the invasive crop that is palm oil. Palm oil has managed to change the fabric of Marinds’ dreams, worldview, and everyday interactions, leading to a change in the meaning of the Marind identity. When traditional ways of life become untenable, cultural knowledge, oral traditions, and spiritual practices are at risk of disappearing.
The security crisis facing the Marind reflects a broader global issue, in which Indigenous communities bear the cost of resource extraction for international markets. While millions comfortably access palm oil, rivers in West Papua are polluted with agrochemical runoff and local communities suffer. Without meaningful protections for their land and rights, the Marind are left increasingly defenseless against an economic and political model that treats their homeland as expendable.
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Digital Diplomacy or Digital Dispossession? Women’s Fight for Visibility
Written by: Adrienne Calzada
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
March 6th, 2025
Photo Credit: UN Women/Catianne Tijerina
X (formerly known as Twitter) has established itself as the predominant social media platform diplomats use globally, preferred over other platforms such as Facebook, Snapchat, and Instagram. X allows diplomats and foreign ministers to engage with their audiences directly, redefining international discourse spaces and rendering the app a powerful tool with critical influence. Importantly, X and other social media platforms offer female diplomats the unprecedented opportunity to reach new audiences, engage in public diplomacy, and gain new forms of agency. Their digital influence, however, remains disproportionately limited. The digitization of diplomacy, while transforming international relations, also introduces new challenges for women. Gender bias in diplomacy is now embedded in digital platforms, shaping the visibility and influence of female ambassadors in ways that replicate traditional barriers.
Analyses of X and virtual diplomacy show that rather than levelling the playing field, digital platforms reinforce preexisting gender hierarchies in which men dominate engagement, decision-making, and visibility, as women remain underrepresented in key diplomatic spaces.
When examining the visibility gap, exclusion, and social capital challenges female ambassadors face in digital diplomacy, it is apparent that gendered hierarchies persist in these online spaces. Women’s exclusion in diplomacy is structural and digital, requiring strategic interventions to ensure equitable representation in international security.
The Visibility Gap and Digital Diplomacy’s Glass Ceiling
Online bias against female ambassadors stems from a lack of digital visibility, manifested in significantly fewer retweets, lower engagement, and reduced amplification of their posts. Unlike harassment or hostility, this subtle bias censures women in more complex and implicit ways, making it harder to confront. Visibility is a fundamental resource in both diplomacy and media, essential for shaping international discourse and exercising power in the digital age. Without visibility, participation in public diplomacy remains constrained, making engagement on social media platforms a prerequisite for diplomatic influence.
Only ~20% of ambassadors globally are women; this representation gap is further exacerbated by their significantly lower digital visibility than men. X’s engagement dynamics favour male users, exacerbating the digital glass ceiling, with men tending to dominate the most-followed users. Furthermore, women remain underrepresented in the highest engagement tiers due to algorithmic bias. Algorithms that govern content visibility risk perpetuating gender disparities as they often favour content that aligns with prevailing engagement patterns. Algorithms disadvantage female diplomats whose posts historically receive less interaction, as feedback loops (where lower engagement leads to reduced visibility) further diminish the influence of women in diplomatic dialogues.
Although the absence of excessive offensive language and harassment towards women may render the ‘diplomatic Twittersphere’ a ‘safer’ online space for women, it still perpetuates deeply ingrained biases. Unlike overt discrimination, these biases operate implicitly through algorithms, prioritizing male voices. This structural invisibility is more difficult to dismantle because it does not stem from explicit exclusion but rather from the passive reinforcement of existing hierarchies. Women’s contributions to diplomatic conversations are not actively suppressed but are less frequently engaged with, shared, or acknowledged, limiting their opportunities to shape policy discussions and international narratives.
Zoom Diplomacy as Digital Proxy for Traditional Patriarchal Diplomacy
Low visibility and influence patterns extend beyond social media platforms and are apparent in other virtual diplomacy platforms. Even in virtual diplomatic settings, women’s contributions are often overlooked, further reinforcing pre-existing gendered dynamics and hierarchies. Digital Diplomacy, or Zoom Diplomacy, refers to shifting diplomatic negotiations onto video conferencing platforms like Zoom, Webex, and MS Teams. This transition, initially seen as a means of expanding participation, has instead reinforced long-standing gendered power structures. The shift to digital diplomacy was accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which quickly revealed new challenges for female diplomats. Digitalization did not dismantle gender barriers but instead reinforced masculine practice.
Diplomacy has historically relied on gender roles and stereotypes. Men typically occupy formal diplomatic roles, forcing women into supporting and submissive positions. Furthermore, diplomatic competence has long been framed through a masculine lens, where qualities like rationality, toughness, and emotional restraint are valued over traits stereotypically associated with femininity. These biases sustain virtual diplomacy misogyny, where men frequently assume women are less adept at managing digital platforms, leading to exclusionary practices like the “let us/me handle this” mentality. Such behaviours reinforce this rigid division of labour that has disproportionately relegated women. Studies on virtual diplomacy additionally confirm that men dominate speaking time and decision-making processes on digital calls, reinforcing these pre-existing hierarchies even in digital spaces. The shift to digital diplomacy has not undone these biases but modernized them, creating new forms of exclusion that mimic past barriers.
In addition to reinforcing gendered hierarchies, digitalization may erode informal advantages female diplomats once had in traditional settings. In face-to-face diplomacy, for instance, femininity is a form of capital that grants women access to high-profile counterparts at diplomatic events or enables them to connect with local communities and civil society actors. These digital platforms significantly reduce these informal networking opportunities and ultimately limit women’s ability to convert social capital into diplomatic influence. Zoom diplomacy thus serves as a proxy for the long-standing institutionalized misogyny that has defined traditional diplomacy.
If Digital Diplomacy Is the Future, Why Does It Still Reflect the Past?
The digitalization of diplomacy replicates traditional patriarchal power structures in diplomacy but in newer, contemporary forms. The transition has further cemented existing gender roles and barriers rather than ensuring equal participation, ultimately thwarting women’s access to high-profile discussions. The persistence of these inequalities across platforms indicates the need to address digital disparities holistically to achieve equitable diplomacy. The lower digital presence of female ambassadors is not simply a reflection of participation rates but a symptom of more profound structural inequalities. If diplomatic influence is increasingly tied to digital presence, the gender gap in engagement and amplification must be actively challenged. Without deliberate interventions, digital diplomacy will continue reinforcing, rather than dismantling, structural inequalities in international relations.
As digital oligarchies consolidate power in the U.S. and DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) initiatives face increasing pushback, the prospects for a more equitable digital diplomacy landscape grow dimmer. If major tech platforms prioritize profit over equity, the same algorithms that suppress marginalized voices today may further entrench gendered and racialized disparities in diplomatic influence, exacerbating the exclusion of women and other underrepresented groups from global governance.
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The Unrecognized Agency of Women in Latin American Organized Crime
Written by: Abigail Francis
Edited by: Iona Riga
February 28th, 2025
Illustrations of the Latin America’s Most Well Known Women Organized Crime LeadersFeatured Image: Bonello, Deborah. 26 Oct. 2021. International Women’s Media Foundation , https://www.iwmf.org/reporting/las-patronas-the-secret-history-of-latin-americas-female-cartel-bosses/.
While Latin American criminal organizations are often portrayed as male-dominated groups, women’s participation tends to be overlooked in research and reports. When women are depicted as being involved in organized crime, the focus falls primarily on their victimhood and exploitation. While it is undeniable that many women in organized crime are victims of exploitation and violence, this understanding fails to acknowledge women’s increasing role as perpetrators of crime in their own right, holding significant roles within criminal structures. The dominance of this victim-perpetrator dichotomy leaves little space for alternative tellings of women’s contributions to organized crime, which, in turn, is precisely what can paradoxically enable their success within these organizations.
There can be many reasons why women join criminal organizations. Sometimes, these organizations can offer a form of protection that the state and judicial system fail to provide. In a region such as Latin America, where gender violence is widespread and where judicial redress is typically non-existent, joining an armed group can serve as both a survival strategy and a means of accessing power, autonomy and sometimes dignity, which might not otherwise be accessible. Many women become involved in organized criminal groups through one of three main pathways: romantic relationships, family ties and drug dependence recruitment. To illustrate these familial ties, a study by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and Colombia’s Justice Ministry revealed that between 2018 and 2019, 53.4% of women interviewed in Colombian prisons had at least one incarcerated relative (partners, brothers, fathers, etc).
Prominent stereotypes and gender bias can yield strategic power for Latin American women operating in organized crime, especially those who occupy middle and high positions of power. Preconceived notions of women as ‘passive victims’ or ‘helpless’ figures can work to a women’s advantage, notably in relation to police intervention. These stereotypes shape how law enforcement perceives and approaches women in crime, potentially hindering the ability to effectively capture, prosecute, and convict them. This assumption that women are primarily victims, rather than active participants in criminal activities, can lead to biased law enforcement practices, where women may be overlooked and underestimated, allowing for greater freedom and risk taking within their respective roles. Women may choose to embrace these gender roles and downplay their true activities in order to evade law enforcement.
Women’s roles in organized crime, including drug trafficking, arms trafficking, human trafficking and migrant smuggling, vary depending on how they are introduced to the organization, and their skillset. Women can contribute to a number of different levels of responsibility within these organizations, from lower level jobs such as farmers, drug mules, and cooks, to higher level jobs such as logistic coordinators and leaders. In fact, there are many examples of female leadership in these types of economies. Marllory Chacón, known as the “Queen of the South”, is a Guatemalan woman who transshipped thousands of kilograms of cocaine per month into Mexico through Guatemala, and frequently further, into the U.S. Chacón is believed to have laundered tens of millions of dollars in narcotics proceeds each month in the 2000s and early 2010s, making her one of the most prolific drug traffickers in all of Central America. Another example is Liliana del Carmen Campos Puello, who pleaded guilty in 2018 for sex trafficking more than 250 young girls in Columbia and neighboring countries. U.S. authorities, who helped with the rescue, have said it was the largest anti-human trafficking operation in Colombian history.
Thus, to truly understand women’s roles in organized crime, we must acknowledge both their victimization and their agency. While many women in these organizations are survivors of violence and exploitation, they also can be empowered individuals whose actions shape the dynamics of criminal enterprises. To acknowledge this role we need to challenge traditional gender bias that reduces criminal organizations as a “male only” phenomenon. In turn, we can incorporate a gendered perspective into the regular assumptions within research on women and organized crime, particularly in understanding the reasons behind women’s involvement in criminal organizations. A part of this gendered perspective involves recognizing how women are often motivated by their own ambitions for status, income, and overall well-being.
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Fear Factor: Trump’s Illusion of Absolute Power
Written by: Mara Matilda Munteanu
Edited by: Bérénice Louveau
February 28th, 2025
“President Trump Signs Executive Orders on Transparency in Federal Guidance and Enforcement” by Trump White House Archived is licensed under Public Domain.
Throughout his political career, United States (US) President Donald J. Trump has mastered the art of using the illusion of coercion to shape public perception. By portraying himself as an all-powerful figure capable of swiftly making decisions, he has enacted fear in both his supporters and opponents. However, a closer look at Trump’s relative power, especially within the constraints of the U.S. political and judicial system, is far more limited than he portrays.
Fear as a Political Tool and the Immigration Crisis
President Trump’s rhetoric and manner of speech rely on hyperboles, aggressive threats, and repetition to assert and project dominance. His ability to manipulate speech has helped him further the illusion that he is above institutions.
Thus, this makes him eligible to bend, reverse, and override judicial appointments, executive orders, and punitive actions against allies and enemies alike. This strategy has created a sense of power and fostered further support for him, thus making his opposition feel helpless.
Although this strategy positions him as an opposition-less all-powerful leader, it is far from true. While Trump’s rapid decision-making has been described as a “power grab,” many of his decisions have still faced significant legal delays or pushbacks. A clear example of this is his desire to restrict birthright citizenship during the ongoing immigration crisis of 2025. With an influx of asylum seekers at the U.S-Mexico border, Trump has used fear-mongering and threats to remove birthright citizenship for children born to immigrant parents who are in the country illegally or temporarily. Despite his bold claims, a US Federal Judge has blocked Trump’s bid to end birthright citizenship, and several other judges have stated that such a move would be unconstitutional. Trump continues to affirm that he holds the ability and power to override and reshape immigration policy nevertheless, despite continuous, ongoing legal constraints.
The Trade War: Tariffs on Canada and Mexico
Besides aggressive domestic policies, President Trump has leveraged economic threats to project dominance on the global level, specifically regarding Canada and Mexico. Trump reinstated tariffs on steel and aluminum imports from its key trading partners while claiming it necessary to protect the U.S.’ industries and national security. Despite his bold claims, if the U.S. were to actually instate such tariffs, many American industries would be hit harder than the American population would expect. For example, the gas, automotive, energy, and food sectors would be particularly affected; gas prices could surge almost 50 cents per gallon in the Midwest as Canada and Mexico supply 70% of crude oil imports to U.S. refineries.
Despite Trump’s threats and claims that the tariffs were a non-negotiable tool, they were put on hold for 30 days soon after, and discussions of concessions and a potential deal between the U.S. and the two countries emerged. In the U.S. and Mexico agreement, Mexico has agreed to send 10,000 troops to the U.S.-Mexico border. As for the U.S. and Canada, Canada has agreed to implement a 1.3$ billion border plan, which will include helicopters, technology, and roughly 10,000 personnel to the border, and launch a “joint strike force” to combat organized crime, the smuggling of fentanyl, and money laundering into the U.S.
The most interesting aspect of these deals is that many of these resolutions are not new. For example, Mexico sent 15,000 troops in 2019 and 10,000 in 2021 to the US border. Thus, realistically, this so-called concession by Mexico wasn’t as momentous as it may have seemed. On the other hand, this resolution isn’t exactly new either for Canada, which had already agreed to send 8,500 personnel to the border in December of 2024. Like many of his policies, the threat of tariffs serves more as an aggressive brinkmanship to assert dominance than an effective economic strategy that would benefit the U.S.
Conclusion
Donald Trump’s approach to governance and his brinkmanship underscore the power of illusion in modern politics. Although he presents himself as an authoritative figure above all, the reality is that democratic American institutions somewhat constrain his ability. By strategically amplifying fear and dominating media narratives, he sustains the illusion of absolute power, which magnifies his political presence and influences his political discourse.
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Can peace in Gaza and Kashmir prevail under the oppression of global extreme-right alliances?
Written by: Jocelyne Guy
Edited by: Bérénice Louveau
February 20th, 2025

Freedom from Occupation of Kashmir and Palestine. Collage by Ayesha J.
The rise of the far-right globally is a threat to democracy and international security, evident in the case of the extreme-right super-trio of Trump’s America, Netanyahu’s Israel, and Modi’s India. All three countries’ colonial ventures cause or threaten serious human rights abuses and catalyze or perpetuate local and regional conflict. They support each other’s colonial projects economically, militarily, and politically and provide a shield for impunity in international institutions. At home, they degrade democracy, allowing themselves unchecked power.
In the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, while a truce has been shakily held in Gaza, Palestinian civilian deaths from Israeli military actions continue both in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Scholars and defenders of Palestinian human rights and independence argue that a ceasefire won’t bring lasting peace to Palestine since the root causes of the genocide and the ongoing conflict have not been addressed: the occupation, apartheid, and violence and oppression of the Israeli settler-colonial state. Some claim the ceasefire is a diplomatic ploy serving only Netanyahu and Trump.
Under Donald Trump’s ultra-right administration, U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East prioritizes the security of Israel above all and increases support for Israel’s colonial occupation of Gaza and other imperial expansion projects in the region. In his first term, Trump’s most successful foreign policy feat was the Abraham Accords Agreement between Israel and Arab states. The Agreement claimed peace to be a central focus, including a long-term resolution to the Israel-Palestine “conflict” and halting annexation of the West Bank. Instead, they created a perfect storm for igniting the Israel-Hamas “war”, an aggravation recognized by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Netanyahu continued to launch a genocidal retaliatory war and accelerated settlements in the West Bank, the Accords withstanding and with substantive American military backing. Trump revoked the recognition of the Israeli occupation of Cisjordan and Golan Heights as illegal, showing fellow colonizers political approval. Trump’s newest statements take American approval for Israel’s colonization of Palestine into their own hands, stating the U.S. itself will “take over” and “own” Gaza, potentially with military troops. Trump’s escalations have shocked the world but have been welcomed by Israel’s radical right.
Meanwhile, Israel has also been growing strategically closer to the far-right Hindu-nationalist government of Prime Minister Modi in India. They share a perception of a common enemy in Muslim freedom fighters and neighboring majority Muslim states with which they have colonial aspirations of territorial control and conquest. Critical scholars have warned of “sinister” twin purveyors of settler-colonialism, occupation, and apartheid as the partners increase military cooperation and political camaraderie. Both countries’ far-right governments have developed nationalist party ideologies into scholarly defined fascism based on an anti-muslim racial monopoly of the state, blood as a restraining principle, and false democracy. While the Indian case differs in that the state is not a settler-colonial state itself, like with Israel and the U.S., Modi and his Hindu-nationalist party similarly aspire for an ethnically cleansed population to match their Hindutva ideology of a majority Hindu population. Their colonial conquest fantasies mainly concern Kashmir, a Muslim majority contested state that’s seen long-standing conflict implicating Pakistan and other actors. Palestinians and Kashmiris face similar arbitrary detentions, torture, and other human rights violations under their respective colonial oppressors, Israel and India.
The extreme-right colonial alliance increases the likelihood that Kashmir, Palestine, and other affected regions will continue to face indefinite insecurity, conflict, violence, and oppression as these powers work together to support shared dreams of colonization and dominance, sure to be met by continued resistance and radicalization of local oppressed populations.
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Unregulated AI: The New Player in Global Security and Misinformation
Written by: Zoe Leousis
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
February 14th, 2025

AI-Generated Image of a Man Shaking Hands with A Robot
Artificial Intelligence (AI), the technology which barely a decade ago seemed like a futuristic fantasy, is now everywhere. From social media algorithms to viral chatbots, self-driving cars to even the image included in this article, artificial intelligence has infiltrated all aspects of our lives, often in ways we don’t even notice. Outlined by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute among AI’s benefits, “to sort through enormous amounts of intelligence data, improve complicated logistical systems, and inspect computer code to improve cybersecurity,” are a myriad of risks such as, “advances in autonomous weapons and adversarial AIs that can weaken cybersecurity.”
Similar to the controversial production of the first nuclear fission weapon, the competitive and rapid development of artificial intelligence technology by global leaders has ushered in a new kind of “arms race”—one not of missiles and warheads, but of algorithms and machine learning. Across the world, global leaders in technology such as the United States and China are competing with one another to harness AI’s transformative power, and establish the frameworks necessary to deploy it. Yet, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace points out that the disunited technology landscape “ often looks more like a form of governance spectacle than a path toward substantive action…given the cultural divides and geopolitical competition, it is uncertain whether a unified framework is achievable.” This in turn has led to a complete lack of concrete, regulatory international guidelines on the use and development of AI, posing significant legal, security, and military challenges.
So, why is this becoming such a critical issue in today’s complex international security landscape? Many international organizations, including OECD, the Council of Europe, and the UN High-level Advisory Body on AI have all chartered principles aimed at fostering responsible AI development. Most notably, the Council of Europe made a bold attempt with the first ever legally binding treaty aimed at ensuring, “that the use of AI systems is fully consistent with human rights, democracy and the rule of law.” However, with a lack of enforcement mechanisms, these conventions and frameworks do little to stop countries from exploiting AI technologies in ways that could undermine global stability. Additionally, AI is developing at an astonishingly fast pace, and systems may increasingly gain more autonomy to make decisions without human oversight. The combined lack of enforcement procedures and human oversight creates a recipe for a chaotic management of one of the most pervasive technologies the world has ever seen.
The consequences of this regulatory gap have already begun to unfold in real-time. Following the October 7th attacks in Israel, AI-generated or enhanced media has frequently been employed to propagate a vast misinformation campaign. One video which went particularly viral in November 2023 was a deepfake of President Biden announcing that he will revive the United States military draft. While the AI-generated video appeared to start a seemingly harmless satirical TikTok trend where American youth imagined what it would be like to serve in the military, it became a symbol of the broader danger posed by the unregulated use of AI.
Another instance of AI being wrongfully used to incite hatred was in April 2023, when the chairman of the German far-right Political Party, ‘Alternative for Germany,’ posted several AI-generated images on Twitter, “including one showing a group of dark-skinned men shouting, with the inscription ‘no more refugees,’ and another of a young woman’s face covered in blood.” Similarly, during the recent 2024 U.S. elections AI was used to create synthetic media to influence voter decisions. Examples include fake audio clips of a candidate allegedly admitting to a crime or making racist remarks, as well as fabricated images that mimic local news reports, falsely announcing that a candidate has dropped out of the race.
Unfortunately, the race among countries to create powerful technologies is fueling an unregulated landscape where the development of AI is often prioritized over its ethical implications. China’s recent release of Deepseek sent the United States into a frenzy, with the cost-effective AI platform being viewed as a major threat to global hegemony and technological supremacy. As a result, in the coming months, the world will likely witness a rise in AI-driven geopolitical competition and conflict. While artificial intelligence has the potential to solve a multitude of problems, its unchecked use could exacerbate global instability by manipulating public perceptions, increasing surveillance, and spreading misinformation on a grand scale. If countries continue to prioritize profit and clout over accountability and security, the consequences could be dire.
Sexual Violence: a Devastating Weapon of War
Written by: Lynn Hoffmeister
Edited by: Gabrielle Adams
February 13th, 2025

Featured image: (2022, May 28). https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/ukraine-rape-victims-suffer-in-silence-3034933
Sexual violence has long been abused as a weapon against women to dehumanize, dominate, and destroy. Yet, this offence becomes even more destructive when strategically orchestrated and weaponized as a tactic of war. Despite decades of efforts through substantial reporting and advocacy to cease sexual violence, the contemporary international community remains paralyzed, failing to confront its systematic use in warfare adequately. This conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) includes acts such as rape, sexual slavery, forced pregnancy, and trafficking, all of which are used to inflict terror and dismantle entire communities. Regardless of its widespread occurrence, CRSV remains largely underreported, its prevention underfunded, and its prosecution, inadequate, thus enabling the perpetuation of this cycle of suffering and egregious human rights violations.
In 2023 alone, the United Nations documented a staggering 50% increase in CRSV compared to the previous year, where 95% of the victims comprised women and girls. Yet, this striking data barely captures the full extent of the issue, as many cases go unreported, and some sexual offences escalate to murder.
In conflict zones such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, and Ukraine, sexual violence has evolved from being an opportunistic, individual act of violence to a calculated weapon – used not only to inflict physical harm but to shatter communities, social bonds, and irrevocably alter the course of future generations through trauma and forced impregnation. In the DRC, for instance, nearly 90,000 cases of sexual assault were reported in 2023 ー more than double that of 2021. Likewise, Sudan saw a 288% surge in demand for services supporting survivors of gender-based violence within the first seven months of 2024. As for Ukraine, it presents one of the most striking examples of CRSV as a military strategy, with reports indicating that Russian forces systematically use rape to terrorize civilians and, in some cases, forcibly impregnate women to manipulate the nation’s demographics. Similar to the 1995 Serbian “rape camps” in Bosnia, facilities have been and continue to be deliberately created today to “undermine the cohesion of the community” by coercing women into bearing children. The effects on the victims are massive; survivors often face stigma, social rejection and ostracization. Many are the cases where families abandon women who have been raped, condemning their children to bear the “enemy’s blood” and a legacy of inescapable violence. It is clear that these actions are not isolated incidents, but rather, calculated efforts to destroy communities from within. This isn’t just chaotic; it’s tactical.
These findings raise an important question: why does sexual violence continue to rise in the context of conflict at such a staggering pace? The lack of accountability remains a strong factor; perpetrators in conflict zones rarely face justice and survivors often lack access to legal, medical, and psychological support. Additionally, funding for programs addressing violence remains abysmally low: in 2022, only 0.2% of global aid was allocated to these efforts.
Sexual violence in conflict zones is not a natural byproduct of war, but a deliberate tool wielded to inflict maximum devastation. Research confirms it does not occur in all conflicts, proving it is a choice, not an unavoidable consequence of war’s inherent brutality. It is often actively tolerated or worse, encouraged and directly ordered by military leadership. The international community must put in more effort to strengthen mechanisms to prosecute CRSV, provide support for survivors and significantly increase funding for prevention and response initiatives.
CRSV is a heinous weapon of war and continues to proliferate due to inaction, silence, and impunity. It remains the most accessible weapon known in warfare, and if the world fails to act, this atrocity will leave a dark stain on humanity’s conscience.
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Genetic Data in Crisis: 23andMe’s Challenges and Global Security Risks
Written by: Stevie Gluckman
Edited by: Rafaela Paquet
February 6th, 2025

Featured image: Large, J. (2024, June 21). https://www.ipvanish.com/blog/dna-testing-privacy/
23andMe, one of the most prominent consumer genetic testing companies, announced layoffs of about 40% of its workforce this past November. Without new funds, the company has warned the public that it has“substantial doubt” that it will survive. The firm’s financial instability has raised concerns about data privacy, in the realms of both personal rights and international security. 23andMe’s limited privacy policy, the shortcomings of U.S. legislation, and the potential for foreign acquisition prove that new laws are becoming more necessary as the genetic testing industry grows.
A Privacy Policy That Allows Data Transfers
23andMe’s privacy policy explicitly states that consumer data can be transferred in the event of an acquisition, merger, or sale of assets. While the company claims that shared data is de-identified, meaning that all names are removed from personal information and replaced with numerical IDs; genetic information is inherently sensitive and unique, with the proven potential to be re-identified through advanced techniques. This provision means that the genetic profiles of millions of customers could fall into the hands of another entity; possibly one with fewer commitments to data protection. The company’s recent 2023 data breach, where a hacker gained access to millions of pieces of data, makes this fear feel like a realistic possibility.
The potential of a financial sale introduces significant uncertainty. Customers entrust 23andMe with intimate details about their genetic makeup, expecting this information to remain secure and confidential. However, the policy shows that such data could easily be treated as an asset in a financial transaction, exposing individuals to risks that include misuse of their genetic information.
Broader Implications: Insurance and Discrimination
The potential misuse of genetic data raises questions about how this information could be taken advantage of in industries like insurance. Under the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act (GINA) of 2008, U.S. health insurers and employers are prohibited from using genetic data to discriminate against individuals. However, GINA does not extend to life, disability, or long-term care insurance. This means insurers in these sectors could deny coverage or set higher premiums based on genetic predispositions to certain diseases. Experts caution that, especially in this time of instability, the company may be tempted to sell user data for short-term recovery profit. If 23andMe’s data were acquired by an insurer, whether directly or indirectly, it could lead to discriminatory practices and a breach of consumer trust.
Foreign Acquisition: Lessons from the Grindr Case
Another looming concern is the possibility of foreign acquisition. A comparable case occurred when Beijing Kunlun Tech, a Chinese firm, acquired the dating app Grindr in 2016. U.S. authorities eventually forced the company to divest its ownership after citing national security concerns related to sensitive personal data, such as the geolocation of important personnel. With 23andMe’s genetic database holding even more sensitive information than Grindr, a foreign acquisition could pose severe risks, including genetic surveillance, profiling, or even bioweapon development.The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) could step in to block such a transaction, as it did with Grindr, although this does not fully mitigate the risk. If CFIUS intervenes after data has already been exposed or shared, the damage could be irreversible. The case highlights the need for proactive legislation to address these scenarios before they become crises.
A Call for Stronger Genetic Privacy Laws
The situation with 23andMe underscores a critical gap in U.S. privacy protections. Existing laws like GINA, while a step forward, are insufficient to address the complexities of genetic data in an era of globalization and advanced technology. New regulations must expand GINA to include protections for all types of insurance and impose stricter controls over how genetic data is transferred or sold. Additionally, legislation should ensure consumer consent is required for any transfer of genetic data, even in cases of bankruptcy or acquisition.
Genetic data is a double-edged sword: while it holds immense potential for advancing medicine and health, it also poses unprecedented risks when mishandled. By strengthening privacy laws and creating international frameworks for genetic data protection, we can safeguard individual rights and national security, ensuring this powerful resource is used responsibly.
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Strategic Foresight in the Security Sector: Anticipating Tomorrow, Ready Today
Written by: Romane Thomas
Edited by: Gabrielle Adams
December 12th, 2024
In the traditional security sector, every planning decision works in assumption with future developments, may they be about enemy actions, the onset of winter, or estimates of how fast one’s troops might advance in the next days. Throughout history, military planners and military strategists have worked tirelessly to reduce uncertainty. Yet, decision-making under uncertainty remains an unavoidable dilemma. Could strategic foresight be the key to navigating uncertainty in the security sector today?
I. WHAT IS STRATEGIC FORESIGHT?
Before getting into its implications, what do we mean by strategic foresight? The OCDE defines it as “a structured and systematic approach of exploring plausible futures to anticipate and better prepare for change. In a world that’s becoming increasingly complex and volatile, strategic foresight has emerged as a vital tool in the security sector. It equips policymakers and defense strategists with the means to anticipate and prepare for future challenges. Several organizations and countries, including NATO, are already implementing foresight methods. With today’s technological advancement, this strategy is gaining inprecision, revealing itself as a powerful tool for better-informed policymaking.
II. WHAT ARE ITS METHODOLOGIES: THE USE OF SCENARIO PLANNING IN STRATEGIC FORESIGHT
A central methodology of strategic foresight is scenario planning. Rather than trying to predict the future, it puts forth a plurality of possible outcomes. This approach helps stakeholders envision different possible futures based on current key drivers of change and uncertainties. This involves considering factors like climate change, technological advancements, or current geopolitical upheavals and exploring how they might affect the security landscape.
III. THE EXAMPLE OF THE FRENCH RED TEAM DEFENSE: EXPLORING FUTURE SCENARIOS THROUGH SCIENCE FICTION
France’s “Red Team Defense” initiative showcases theuse of strategic foresight and scenario planning to explorethe future innovatively. Launched in 2019 by the French Ministry of the Armed Forces, the project aims “to guide innovation efforts by envisioning and considering solutions to acquire disruptive capabilities or protect against them”.Scenarios like Ecosystemic Warfare and Chronicle of a Cultural Death Foretold have emerged from collaborations between science fiction writers, illustrators, screenwriters, and military and scientific experts, going beyond traditional security paradigms. By combining science fiction with scenario planning, France is looking beyond traditional security paradigms to effectively prepare their armed forces for a wide array of potential threats.
IV. WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF STRATEGIC FORESIGHT FOR THE SECURITY SECTOR
As the saying goes, “An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure”. By envisioning different alternatives for the future, strategic foresight allows security organizations tobetter prevent, defend against, and mitigate security risks. When talking of strategic foresight, Dr. Beat Habbergerfrom the Geneva Center for Security Policy goes as far as saying that it has the potential “to change the way in which organizations and their employees think, behave and act”. And he might be right. By fostering a culture of preparedness and adaptability, strategic foresight will transform states’ traditional reactive approaches into proactive ones.
V. CONCLUSION:
Ultimately, strategic foresight equips states and security organizations to anticipate and shape the future, positioning them to face tomorrow’s uncertainties. Looking at it from a human dimension, foresight can help to protect communities and potentially save lives by ensuring agencies are ready for whatever comes next. Yet it’s no cure-all; like any other tool, it must be used intelligently and in conjunction with a range of other strategies to be truly effective.
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Women’s Rights in Afghanistan Worsening by the Day
Written by: Alice Tremblay
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
December 4th, 2024
The laws that have come to pass since the Taliban-led takeover of the Afghan government in 2021 have once again stripped Afghan women of their rights, leaving them with little autonomy and opportunity. Alison Davidian, head of the UN Women Afghanistan Country Office, says that “three years of Taliban rule has led to the ‘striking’ erasure of women from public life.” (Davidian, 2024). Education beyond the sixth grade has been forbidden, movement outside the home monitored, and political participation restricted. (Medica Mondiale, 2023)
The Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice is the Taliban’s most recent enactment and further imposes limitations on women’s freedom and livelihood. It stipulates that in order to prevent social disorder, which in itself facilitates sin, women shall cover their faces and conceal their voices in songs, hymns, and recitals. Reading aloud in public calls for punishment and women who leave their homes must be accompanied by a male relative (Butt, 2024). These are only a few of the many provisions listed in this law that aim to enforce strict moral conduct.
Imposed by the Taliban’s supreme leader, Haibatullah Akhundzada, this law enables the morality police to punish those who do not follow it. These punishments vary depending on what the religious inspectors, also known as enforcers, consider appropriate. Enforcers are given full discretion to determine and administer an individual’s punishment (Butt, 2024). The practice of stoning and flogging women for adultery was reimplemented earlier this year, suggesting a return to the harsh punishments Afghan women faced in the 1990s (Kumar, 2024). The reimplementation of such brutal punishments highlights the Taliban’s continued reliance on violent measures to enforce their interpretation of Islamic Law. Punishments like these not only instill fear but also serve as a tool to make the population comply.
While the Taliban has drawn widespread criticism abroad, little action has been taken to address these violations. Sahar Fetrat, an Afghan researcher at Human Rights Watch, addresses the absence of a proper international response by noting that the government has “tested their draconian policies one by one, and have reached this point because there is no one to hold them accountable for the abuses.” (Fetrat, 2024, as cited in Kumar, 2024). In other words, the international community’s lack of recognition of the Taliban has only fueled and emboldened the government’s oppressive measures against Afghan women.
In just three years, the freedom and livelihood of women have nearly vanished in Afghanistan. The exclusion of women from public life has stunted the country’s growth and established a troubling precedent for human rights violations. Combined with the international community’s failure to respond to this matter effectively, what awaits this country and its women is unknown and concerning. To ensure a future in which Afghan women can thrive and contribute to society, we must all advocate for their rights, provide support for grassroots movements, and hold the Taliban accountable for gender apartheid.
References
Butt, J. (2024, August 31). The propagation of virtue and prevention of vice law, translated into English. Afghanistan Analysts Network . https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/en/reports/political-landscape/the-propagation-of-virtue-and-prevention-of-vice-law-translated-into-english/
Davidian, A. (2024, August 13). Press briefing at the United Nations Headquarters by UN Women Country Representative in Afghanistan, Alison Davidian, on the three-year mark of the Taliban takeover. UN Women – Headquarters. https://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/press-briefing/2024/08/press-briefing-at-the-united-nations-headquarters-by-un-women-country-representative-in-afghanistan-alison-davidian-on-the-three-year-mark-of-the-taliban-takeover
Kelly, A., & Joya, Z. (2024, August 26). “frightening” Taliban law bans women from speaking in public. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/article/2024/aug/26/taliban-bar-on-afghan-women-speaking-in-public-un-afghanistan
Kumar, R. (2024, March 28). Taliban edict to resume stoning women to death met with horror. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/mar/28/taliban-edict-to-resume-stoning-women-to-death-met-with-horror
Women’s rights in Afghanistan. Medica Mondiale. (2023, June). https://medicamondiale.org/en/where-we-empower-women/afghanistan
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Relocating Asylum Seekers: The Global North’s Misguided Answer to the Migrant Crisis
Written by: Iona Riga
Edited by: Lynn Hoffmeister
November 28th, 2024

Earlier this month, during a visit to Paris, Quebec’s premier François Legault called for the creation of ‘waiting zones’ in other provinces, a solution to his perceived unequal distribution of asylum seekers in Quebec compared to the rest of Canada (Saba). Legault’s hope was to reduce the number of asylum seekers by reproducing the French model of such zones, which have been in place for over 20 years. This places Quebec, and Canada by default, among an ever-growing number of Western governments considering outsourcing asylum processes as the migration crisis intensifies.
For nearly two decades, the Australian Pacific Solution saw asylum seekers relocated to the nearby Pacific island nation of Nauru (“Manus: Timeline of controversial Australian detention centre”). The program was shut down amidst accusations of physical, verbal, and sexual abuse; not to forget the allegations of international law violations. Earlier this month, European Union leaders convened in Brussels, where the re-creation of ‘return hubs’ was an important topic of debate (Liboreiro). Spain and Belgium have demonstrated their disapproval, while Italy, Denmark, Austria, Poland, and the Netherlands have argued for their implementation. Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, has launched the first such program in Europe, despite ongoing legal challenges (Tondo et al.). UK leaders have looked to Italy’s asylum centers in Albania for inspiration, even after the recent scrapping of the infamous Rwanda Bill, a controversial topic in the recent election. The Rwanda Bill would have sent asylum seekers to Rwanda to await asylum processing there (“What is the UK’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda?”). Now, it seems Germany has taken an interest in taking over the UK-Rwanda deal, with officials touring UK-built facilities in the East African nation (Morton). Rwanda has also been considered as a site for such a policy by Denmark, which has, on multiple occasions, floated offshore asylum policies. A 2021 law even authorized Danish authorities to process asylum claims outside the country’s borders (Kennedy and John). Meanwhile, the United States also maintains a similar approach, with operating asylum processing facilities in Central and South America (Grant and Armstrong).
While Western countries have struggled to contain and regulate irregular migration for years; this type of policy would be a significant departure from traditional asylum policy, which have been based on the principle of non-refoulement. Non-refoulement, enshrined in international law since the end of the Cold War and under the 1951 Refugee Convention, prohibits signatory states from expelling or returning individuals from their jurisdiction who may face ‘irreparable harm’ upon return, including persecution, torture, ill-treatment or other serious human rights violations. Offshore asylum, besides conflicting with international law, has proven ineffective at deterring migration; the main reason for their implementation (Gammeltoft-Hansen and Tan, 2017). During the Pacific Solution’s first year alone, over 24,000 refugees arrived in Australia by boat, the very outcome the policy sought to prevent (Gleeson and Yacoub).
While countries struggle to manage the ever-growing flow of migration, offshore asylum is not the answer: it’s ineffective, in violation of international law and has been proven ineffective at deterring migration. Governments and policymakers need look no further than past policies’ failures, and human rights abuses to see that this type of policy creates nothing but confusion and legal issues at the national and international level, not to mention the immense cost on the country.
References
Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas, and Nikolas F. Tan. “The End of the Deterrence Paradigm? Future Directions for Global Refugee Policy.” Journal on Migration and Human Security, vol. 5, no. 1, 2017, pp. 28-56. Sage Journals.
Gleeson, Madeline, and Natasha Yacoub. “Cruel, costly and ineffective: Australia’s offshore processing asylum seeker policy turns 9.” The Conversation, 11 August 2021, https://theconversation.com/cruel-costly-and-ineffective-australias-offshore-processing-asylum-seeker-policy-turns-9-166014. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Grant, Will, and Kathryn Armstrong. “Migrants: US to open new processing centres in Colombia and Guatemala.” BBC, 27 April 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-65420394. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Kennedy, Niamh, and Tara John. “Denmark passes law to move asylum centers outside the EU. It still needs another country to agree.” CNN, 3 June 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/06/03/europe/denmark-asylum-seeker-offshore-intl/index.html. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Liboreiro, Jorge. “EU leaders endorse migration outsourcing but offer few details.” Euronews, 17 October 2024, https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2024/10/17/not-trivial-eu-leaders-endorse-migration-outsourcing-but-offer-few-details. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Lowen, Marc. “Italy prepares to open controversial migrant centres in Albania.” BBC, 1 August 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c2lke090kgko. Accessed 4 November 2024.
“Manus: Timeline of controversial Australian detention centre.” BBC, 31 October 2017, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-41813219. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Morton, Becky. “German official suggests Rwanda scheme using UK facilities.” BBC, 6 September 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/clyl5p2zd50o. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Saba, Michel. “Quebec premier floats idea of ‘waiting zones’ in Canada for asylum seekers.” CBC, 1 October 2024, https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-premier-waiting-zones-asylum-seekers-1.7339381. Accessed 4 November 2024.
Tondo, Lorenzo, et al. “Blow to Meloni’s Albania deal as court orders asylum seekers’ return to Italy.” The Guardian, 18 October 2024, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/oct/18/blow-to-melonis-albania-deal-as-court-orders-asylum-seekers-return-to-italy. Accessed 4 November 2024.
UN General Assembly, Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 606, p. 267, 31 January 1967, https://www.refworld.org/legal/agreements/unga/1967/en/41400. Accessed 04 November 2024]
“What is the UK’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda?” BBC, 13 June 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/explainers-61782866. Accessed 4 November 2024.
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‘Generalized Violence’ in Latin America: The Impacts on Women, and How Feminist Movements are Part of the Solution
Written by: Jocelyne Guy
Edited by: Berenice Louveau
November 21st, 2024
Source: Velázques, Gaby. El Paso Times. March, 2022.
The violence security problem that plagues Latin America has left no part of society unscathed. Criminal activity is severely increasing; today, the region represents nine percent of the world population but a third of global homicides (Jaramillo, 2024). Violence in Latin America stems from and reinforces political instability, democratic degradation and impunity, drug trafficking and gang criminality, and societal notions of masculinity, or ‘machismo’. This has resulted in widespread violence, increasing femicides and gender-based violence (Vilalta, 2020).
The framework of “generalized violence” helps to understand how violence is deeply ingrained throughout Latin American society (Ahumada, 2014): conflicts are shifting and proliferating around the region, superseding state borders. Violence, inherited by the fragile institutions left by multiple military dictatorships in the area, has seeped into the social and political institutions of Latin America, normalizing its proliferation and generating apathy among the population (Ahumada, 2015). Democratic transitions in Latin America exposed institutional insecurity to criminal organizations with growing socio-economic power (Booth, 2018). The undermining of democratic institutions and criminal justice by organized crime has created vicious cycles of violence, widespread impunity problems, and criminally controlled states (Vilalta, 2020).
Generalized violence has particular impacts on women, and feminist movements are playing an essential role in fighting violence in Latin America. Violence exacerbates inequalities, disproportionately impacting marginalized communities, including the poor, ethnic minorities, and women (Jaramillo, 2024). Gender-based violence and femicide rise during surges of generalised violence in regions of Latin America, causing the highest rates of femicide in the world, the brutal murdering of women fueled by gender (Fahlberg, Anjuli, et al., 2023). One explanation for the proliferation of femicide in the region is the prevalence of ‘Machismo’ attitudes that reinforce patriarchal and dominating relationships of men over women (Vilalta, 2020).
The solution to the violence security problem in Latin America is complex, and sustainable solutions to societal violence that don’t compromise democratic institutions or bolster state-led violence require a holistic approach, with significant citizen engagement and mobilisation (Dammert, 2024). However, due to the power of criminal networks, it has proven dangerous, even fatal, to speak out against crime. Movements like feminism tackle root causes of violence without directly targeting perpetrators, slighting this confrontation, although not invincible to retaliation. Feminist anti-violence movements fight to reduce drug and gang violence by addressing societal sources (Fahlberg, Anjuli, et al., 2023). They work to reduce interpersonal violence, protest impunity, strengthen democracy, and resist inequalities, contributing to the broader violence security problem in Latin America. Policymakers that support feminist anti-violence activism and make structural adjustments according to their demands show progress in addressing generalised violence and insecurity (Dammert, 2024).
One anti-femicide movement impacting violence policy and structural change can be found in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, where growing criminal networks propelled rampant femicide. The feminist mobilization has since become a prominent and organized movement, with activism helping reduce impunity, increase accountability, and improve policy to diminish violence. Feminist movements across Latin America, like in Ciudad Juarez, are growing, bringing hope for ending cyclical violence (Fahlberg, Anjuli, et al., 2023).
References
Ahumada Casas, M. (2015). María Teresa Ronderos. Guerras recicladas. Una historia periodística del paramilitarismo en Colombia. Bogotá: Aguilar, 2014. 402 páginas. Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura, 42(1), 311-314.
Booth, J. A. (2018). Understanding Central America: Global Forces, Rebellion, and Change. London: Routledge.
Dammert, Lucia. (2024). “Latin America’s Security Crisis Is a Political Problem, too.” Americas Quarterly.
Fahlberg, A., Velasquez, M., Wise, H., & Simon, T. (2023). Tangential Movements: How feminist organizing against gender-based violence offers an alternative avenue for protesting drug violence in Latin America. World Development, 161, 106118.
Jaramillo, Carlos Felipe. (2024). “Violence and Organized Crime, the Great Challenges for Development in Latin America and the Caribbean.” World Bank Blogs.
Müller, M. M. (2018). Governing crime and violence in Latin America. Glob. Crime, 19, 171– 191.
Vilalta, C. (2020). Violence in Latin America: An overview of research and issues. Annual Review of Sociology, 46(1), 693-706.
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The “Army of Roses” – Women in Terrorism: A Threat Long Overlooked
Written by: Jeanne Belva
Edited by: Lynn Hoffmeister
November 14th, 2024
Terrorism in the 21st century is a shape-shifting beast, blending political and religious fervor into asymmetrical warfare. Imagine a battlefield where the players don’t wear uniforms or follow rules. Now, picture a new player in this field: women. And, no, they’re not just behind the scenes. They’re in the trenches, sometimes quite literally. So, what factors drive women in France to engage in terrorism, and how did they initially escape recognition as a significant threat? Let’s dive into this intriguing and uncomfortable shift in the landscape of terror.
Shattering Stereotypes: Why the “Fragile Woman” Trope is Dangerous
The traditional view of radicalized women usually paints them as victims—pulled into extremism by economic hardships or a rough upbringing, or perhaps vulnerable immigrant backgrounds. But, what if this perspective is fundamentally flawed? Take the film Le Ciel Attendra, where Marion-Castille Mention-Schaar shows young women from non-disadvantaged French families falling into extremism. It’s not poverty or desperation pulling them in; instead, it’s often a misguided idealism, some distorted “empowerment” through violence. And that’s precisely the danger—assuming only specific types of women are prone to radicalization blinds us to a much wider threat. Not every young woman radicalized into violent extremism is a helpless pawn; some are driven, intelligent, and ideologically committed to the cause. Focusing on stereotypes leaves the door open for others to slip under the radar.
From Supporting Roles to Frontlines: Women’s Evolving Role in Terrorism
Women’s roles in terrorist organizations have come a long way. Traditionally, they were background players, logistical supporters, or simply partners to male jihadists. But as the need for unnoticed operatives grew, women found their place in terror networks as active agents. Look at the case of Hayat Boumediene, partner to Bataclan attacker Amedy Coulibaly. Far from being a passive follower, Boumediene actively organized finances and executed scams to fund terror attacks. With fake pay stubs, she secured loans, sold cars, and funnelled cash for weapons—all in plain sight, leveraging her unsuspecting identity as a woman. And she wasn’t an isolated case. Women have become increasingly visible, and in 2015, France witnessed its first female suicide bomber. These are not women who merely “strayed” or “followed”; they are individuals making a chillingly deliberate choice to wreak havoc.
Time to Update Our Playbook: The Need for Gender-Inclusive Counterterrorism
The reality of women’s involvement in terrorism necessitates an update in counterterrorism strategies. France’s intelligence and security agencies, historically male-dominated, often lack the insight imperative to navigate female networks in radical spaces. In 2013, for example, the DGSI (General Directorate for Internal Security, France’s domestic intelligence service) employed only one woman for every seven male agents. Gender-inclusive intelligence could change the game. Women agents, positioned to interact in gender-segregated spaces and better detect radicalization signs among other women, can close gaps in surveillance. Plus, it’s time to abandon the bias that treats female criminals more leniently. Recognizing these women for what they are—committed extremists—rather than outliers, strengthens security efforts.
Conclusion: Redefining the Threat of the “Army of Roses”
The “Army of Roses” is far from a romanticized idea—it’s a real, growing threat. Failing to see women as capable perpetrators only gives extremists more room to operate. In recognizing the full scope of this evolving landscape, we equip ourselves more effectively to meet the dangers lying ahead. For if these women know that their strength has often been underestimated or ignored, we know there is nothing more dangerous than an invisible enemy.
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Bold Promises, Fragile Realities: Trump’s National Security Dilemma
Written by: Zoe Leousis
Edited by: Rebecca Larsson Zinger
November 7th, 2024
It is no secret that President-elect Donald Trump is notorious for making outlandish promises in support of his reelection, often with little regard for their legality. Promises such as “reversing China’s entry into the World Trade Organization” and “bringing back waterboarding,” highlight his tendency to make bold claims without considering the practical implications (Trump-O-Meter: Tracking Trump’s Campaign Promises, PolitiFact). While many dismiss these statements as mere attention-seeking, Trump’s false national security promises pose a significant threat, particularly in an increasingly complex global landscape. In an international legal framework with imperfect enforcement, a President who “continues to say he will reduce the United States’ participation in international institutions” and allows impulsivity to guide his decisions, becomes an unreliable ally and potential adversary (Chilton 2017). As we examine Trump’s reckless promises, it becomes clear that his approach has real-world implications, particularly in how he interacts with neighboring countries.
A glaring example of this alarming behavior is Donald Trump’s conduct towards Mexico. Since the beginning of his presidency in 2017, continuing into his current election campaign, the country has continuously served as a prop in his dangerous narratives. For instance, consider the 2019 cartel ambush on American citizens in northern Mexico, which was met with a tweet from Trump declaring that “this is the time for Mexico, with the help of the United States, to wage WAR on the drug cartels and wipe them off the face of the earth” (Carpenter 2022). Or more recently, when the Grand Old Party, more commonly known as the Republican Party, asked former U.S. Defense Secretary, Mark Esper, if the military could “shoot missiles into Mexico to destroy the drug labs,” stating, “they don’t have control of their own country,” and insisted on doing it “quietly.” (Levin 2022).
While it is unlikely that such extreme measures would be implemented, their negligent suggestion threatens to undermine the trust between the United States and Mexico, revealing a dangerous strategy that prioritizes aggression over diplomacy. These statements reflect not only a troubling militarization of foreign policy but also an alarming disregard for Mexico’s sovereignty and the complexities of international relations.
These threats to global stability are not confined solely to friendly neighboring countries, but have taken to an international stage too, such as the Trump administration’s “January 2020 drone strike on Iranian General Qassem Soleimani outside Baghdad, which was a brazen violation of Iraq’s sovereignty” (Carpenter 2022). Similarly, to possibly incite a national crisis for Russia, in 2022 Trump suggested to Republican National Committee donors that “the U.S. should ‘put the Chinese flag’ on its military planes, ‘bomb the shit’ out of Russia, ‘and then we say, China did it, we didn’t do it, China did it, and [let them] start fighting with each other’” (Levin 2022). Outlandish actions made towards countries that the United States already has antagonistic relations with are particularly dangerous, since they can be interpreted as credible threats and result in escalating tensions that may lead to conflict. Such actions are generally illegal under international law, as stated in Article 2 Section 4 of the United Nations Charter “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State” (Charter of the United Nations 1945).
It is scary to think that a leader who makes such reckless statements and has only become increasingly emboldened could regain power. Though the former reality T.V. Star repeatedly jokes about important national security matters, his indiscretion cannot be overlooked as harmless. Flamboyantly aggressive rhetoric reinforces the need for increased militarization and weaponry, therefore creating a hostile global landscape and contributing to the overall security dilemma. The executive of the world’s dominant military force should prioritize diplomacy and stability, ensuring that U.S. actions reflect a commitment to international norms. As we move forward, it is crucial for citizens and leaders to understand the dangers of such rhetoric and how it not only jeopardizes long-standing partnerships but also escalates conflicts that threaten peace and security worldwide.
Works Cited
- Carpenter, Ted Galen. “Dangerous: Why Did Donald Trump Want to Attack Drug Labs in Mexico?” Cato.Org, 6 May 2022, www.cato.org/commentary/dangerous-why-did-donald-trump-want-attack-drug-labs-mexico.
- Charter of the United Nations. United Nations, 1945.
- Chilton, Adam. “Has Trump’s Promised Assault on International Law Materialized?” Illinois Law Review, 29 Apr. 2017, illinoislawreview.org/symposium/first-100-days/has-trumps-promised-assault-on-international-law-materialized/.
- Levin, Bess. “‘No One Would Know It Was Us’: Trump Thought He Could Fire Missiles Into Mexico and Blame It on Another Country.” Vanity Fair, Vanity Fair, 6 May 2022, www.vanityfair.com/news/2022/05/donald-trump-mexico-missiles-mark-esper.
- Trump, Donald. “Trump-O-Meter.” O, www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/promises/trumpometer/. Accessed 27 Oct. 2024.
2 Responses to “WIIS McGill Articles”
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Great article! Very fitting considering the new political/security reality.
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I agree with the points Ms. Leousis made in her article. As an American citizen, I am very concerned about the instability the 2nd Trump administration would bring to the international order. While many of his stump speeches make for great soundbites to his supporters, they do not translate very well into policy. A more concerning issue with his ideas is the affect it would have on the dollar remaining as the Reserve currency for most of the world. The current BRICs nations have already begun the process of forming a new currency to rival the dollar as a reserve currency. (https://tinyurl.com/3fm73afy)
Currently the US runs a budget deficit of 1.8 trillion for the past fiscal year. If other nations lose confidence in the United States leadership in the international order, then the US will begin to see an erosion of other nations willing to buy its bonds to prop up its budget. The phrase, “Backed by the full faith and credit of the United States government” will not mean what it once did.
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